In researching kenjin-kai, I was appalled at the lack of interest demonstrated by the majority of authors of Japanese American historical literature who never elaborated on the significant role kenjin-kai have played in the past.
Having taken a back seat to other Japanese American organizations—the JACL, for example—the kenjin-kai have not received the recognition deserved for the innumerable ways in which they have touched Issei and Nisei lives.
In my research, I discovered that many records of past kenjin-kai were either not available or not kept (kenjin-kai relied heavily on the trust and loyalty of their members, so a need for documentation was deemed unnecessary).
The records I did manage to locate were written in Japanese. Unfortunately, I do not have the luxury of being familiar with the Japanese language, so I have based many of my findings on limited translations and personal interviews.
Because I didn’t have time to research the past of all the major kenjin-kai, I have gathered facts from the Sacramento Hiroshima Nikkeijin-kai, the largest kenjin-kai in the Sacramento area, upon which I have based my general conclusions.
Although obvious differences separate the various kenjin-kai, the general assistance that they all provided for members should be similar and any major discrepancies with facts stated in my paper would be purely due to my lack of insight or misguided conclusions.
A Few Facts
The origin of the kenjin-kai, organizations that have played a contributing factor in forming the foundation of our Japanese American heritage, must first be analyzed.
Perhaps, a brief definition of what constitutes a “kenjin-kai” would be appropriate at this time.
A kenjin-kai is an association whose membership was originally based upon and conceived by people coming from the same prefecture in Japan. Early kenjin-kai consisted mainly of Japanese immigrants from the southern and rural parts of Japan:
Distinction and diversity could be recognized among Japanese from various prefectures by their clothing, customs and dialect. As Bill Hosokawa points out in his book, Nisei: “…Various characteristics were attributed to the people of each prefecture. For example, Hiroshima people were said to be industrious and tight-fisted; Wakayama people aggressive and hot-tempered; Tokyoites generous, people from Kumamoto stubborn, Okayama shrewd and clever, the northern provinces patient as a result of their long cold winters.”
Although each kenjin-kai possessed unique characteristics, all of the kenjin-kai aided their members by providing social outlets and various means of economic assistance.
Even in the most difficult periods of racial discrimination and economic depression, reported Ivan Light in Ethnic Enterprise in America, “members helped one another because of their belief that people from the same place were morally obliged to help one another.”
Kenjin-kai members have always been able to maintain meaningful and long-lasting friendships that hold a special kind of closeness not found in any other organization.
“A kenjin, someone from one’s own native prefecture, was almost like a blood brother even if he were a stranger to be fostered, assisted when in trouble, to be trusted, tolerated, and to be treated gently and affectionately,” said Hosokawa.
In analyzing the Hiroshima Nikkeijin-kai, the largest kenjin-kai in the Sacramento area, I have been able to draw some general conclusions about the kenjin-kai in California.
Having claimed its existence since 1906, the Sacramento Nikkeijin-kai was originally called Keibi-doshi-kai. A literal translation of “Keibi-doshi-kai” is difficult because of the connotations associated with the Japanese language. However, a definition of this word is an organization whose main objective is to look after its members’ well-being, similar to a big brother type of association.
In 1918, after wanting to be distinctly recognized as a prefectural organization, they changed the name to Sacramento Hiroshima Kenjin-kai. And then in 1961, a need was found again to change the name of kenjin-kai to nikkeijin-kai (a broader term meaning “Japanese”) in order to better represent and include a growing number of new members such as kenjin’s spouse (usually a Nisei) whose ancestry may be traced back to another prefecture.
A few of the men responsible for initiating the first Sacramento Hiroshima Kenjin-kai were Kenji Oki, Kakichi Kubo, Seigo Takai, and Nobi-ishi Yoshida.
Although this kenjin-kai started with just a dozen (rough estimate) men, it grew rapidly to meet the needs of many Issei immigrants.
* * * * *
From 1906 to 1941, the Sacramento Hiroshima Kenjin-kai was actively supportive in various forms of assistance ranging from rotating credit associations to social outings.
By 1910, Sacramento had the third largest Japanese population (following Los Angeles and San Francisco), but many Issei men found difficulty in establishing sufficient credit. As a result, many kenjin sought another alternative—forming a tanomoshiko.
A tanomoshiko was a rotating credit association in which Issei men pooled their money each month so that a large sum of money would be available to lend out to one of the kenjin. That particular man would repay the tanomoshiko over a designated period and soon another kenjin would be able to borrow a large sum of money.
The Issei men dealt strictly with cash, so they were very cautious to organize their tanomoshiko among ken members, those who were loyal and trustworthy.
If a member was to default by running off with the money without intending to repay the loan, he would lose face and disgrace his ken and Japanese community. this was the ultimate rejection for an Issei with traditional Meiji-era values.
However, the type of cooperation usually seen in a tanomoshiko allowed many immigrants, who would otherwise have been unable to start a business, an opportunity to make a decent living as an entrepreneur.
Another type of financial support which the kenjin-kai offered was through job assistance and business patronage.
Many Japanese immigrants faced difficulty in finding work in Sacramento, as well as in other cities, but were too proud to ask for governmental welfare or any other type of assistance by outsiders.
When an immigrant couldn’t find a job on his own, a kenjin, who oftentimes felt obligated, tried to help him find a job. An immigrant would usually accept help from a fellow kenjin more graciously because of the closeness felt between their prefectural ties.
According to author Light, “The Japanese gave preference in hiring to persons from the same prefecture, and Japanese employers were expected to make hiring opportunities known to their kenjin.”
Aside from the wage earners, Issei entrepreneurs often received a large portion of their clientele from kenjin-kai members. Reports Hosokawa, “Whenever possible, one took his business to a kenjin.”
Naturally, belonging to a kenjin-kai with a large membership was very beneficial for the Issei entrepreneur.
Equally as important as job assistance were the Sacramento Hiroshima Kenjin-kai boarding houses for Issei immigrants.
“People from Hiroshima-ken opened the first boarding house in 1891, followed by immigrants from Kumamoto-ken who opened Tamagawa Inn,” said Cheryl Cole who wrote A History of the Japanese Community in Sacramento: 1883-1972.
The number of boarding houses grew rapidly because of the large influx of Japanese immigrants. “By 1911, there were 37 boarding houses in Sacramento, more than any other type of Japanese business establishment,” said Cole.
The houses were “clean and orderly” with lodging prices ranging between 10 and 15 cents a night, $5 and $15 a month and meal prices ranging between 10 and 15 cents.
It is not surprising, notes Cole, that “Japanese boarding-house keepers were important members of the immigrant community and often doubled as labor contractors in Japan with whom they made arrangements to secure work for the arriving Issei.”
Apart from the financial assistance given to arriving immigrants, the Hiroshima Kenjin-kai played an important role in aiding bereaved family members when a loved one passed away.
The Sacramento Hiroshima Kenjin-kai started handling funeral arrangements when single Issei men died. Because the deceased had no family members in the U.S., the kenjin-kai acted as a surrogate family by arranging the funeral service and taking care of any financial matters.
The Sacramento Kenjin-kai sent an annual census to Japan, and whenever an Issei (Japanese citizen) died, the kenjin-kai would notify the Japanese consulate general of the Issei’s death.
As the number of married and family-type Issei men increased, the practice of handling funeral arrangements did not diminish.
The kenjin-kai felt a great need to offer help during times of crisis. Kenjin-kai duties included collecting koden (a monetary offering by kenjin, friends, and relatives to help pay for funeral expenses or any other debts), arranging for public notices, serving tea and food at the widow’s house after the funeral, and sending out thank-you letters.
Some of these things may seem trivial, but after the devastation of losing a loved one, these little things tend to be burdensome. The kenjin-kai erases the worries and gives the family emotional support at a very difficult period.
On a lighter note, all of the kenjin-kai, including the Sacramento Hiroshima Kenjin-kai, are well recognized and remembered for the social events which were sponsored annually.
Most Issei were neither familiar with the English language nor American culture and faced much racial discrimination. The rejection from the predominately white community caused emotional and psychological pain.
Kenjin-kai-sponsored picnics and New Year parties were the “tanoshimi” for them because they would be able to converse with others who spoke the same dialect and followed the same customs. Many homesick individuals would be able to express their common feelings and experiences at these gatherings.
More importantly, these get-togethers were organized to provide enjoyment and relaxation which were sorely lacking in the lives of many Issei and Nisei. In the early 1930s, kenjin-kai would even parade down streets during the celebrations of festive occasions.
Some of the happiest times remembered by Issei and Nisei were participating in the kenjin-kai’s social activities. These memories would undoubtedly be cherished indefinitely.
*This article was originally written for the San Francisco State University Asian American studies class, “Japanese Americans in the United States,” taught by Prof. Lane Hirabayashi in 1985. It was published in the Hokubei Mainichi on October 22, 23, 24, and 25 in 1985 and is republished with their permission on Discover Nikkei.
© 1985 Hokubei Mainichi
